Saturday, 25 March 2017

Mind mapping the topic of social class

Mind mapping the topic of social class




Joseph Kim-keung Ho
Independent Trainer
Hong Kong, China


Abstract: The topic of social class is a main one in Social Sciences. This article makes use of the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach to render an image on the knowledge structure of social class. The finding of the review exercise is that its knowledge structure comprises four main themes, i.e., (a) Descriptions of basic concepts and information (b) Major underlying theories and thinking, (c) Main research topics and issues, and (d) Major trends and issues related to practices. There is also a set of key concepts identified from the social class literature review. The article offers some academic and pedagogical values on the topics of social class, literature review and the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach.
Key words: Social class, literature review, mind map, the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach



Introduction
Social class is a main topic in Social Sciences. It is of academic and pedagogical interest to the writer who has been a lecturer on Social Sciences subjects for a tertiary education centre in Hong Kong. In this article, the writer presents his literature review findings on social class using the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach. This approach was proposed by this writer in 2016 and has been employed to review the literature on a number of topics, such as supply chain management, strategic management accounting and customer relationship management (Ho, 2016). The MMBLR approach itself is not particularly novel as mind mapping has been employed in literature review since its inception. The overall aims of this exercise are to:
1.      Render an image of the knowledge structure of social class via the application of the MMBLR approach;
2.      Illustrate how the MMBLR approach can be applied in literature review on an academic topic, such as social class.
The findings from this literature review exercise offer academic and pedagogical values to those who are interested in the topics of social class, literature review and the MMBLR approach. Other than that, this exercise facilitates this writer’s intellectual learning on these three topics. The next section makes a brief introduction on the MMBLR approach. After that, an account of how it is applied to study social class is presented.

On the mind mapping-based literature review approach
The mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach was developed by this writer in 2016 (Ho, 2016). It makes use of mind mapping as a complementary literature review exercise (see the Literature on mind mapping Facebook page and the Literature on literature review Facebook page). The approach is made up of two steps. Step 1 is a thematic analysis on the literature of the topic chosen for study. Step 2 makes use of the findings from step 1 to produce a complementary mind map. The MMBLR approach is a relatively straightforward and brief exercise. The approach is not particularly original since the idea of using mind maps in literature review has been well recognized in the mind mapping literature. The MMBLR approach is also an interpretive exercise in the sense that different reviewers with different research interest and intellectual background inevitably will select different ideas, facts and findings in their thematic analysis (i.e., step 1 of the MMBLR approach). Also, to conduct the approach, the reviewer needs to perform a literature search beforehand. Apparently, what a reviewer gathers from a literature search depends on what library facility, including e-library, is available to the reviewer. The next section presents the findings from the MMBLR approach step 1; afterward, a companion mind map is provided based on the MMBLR approach step 1 findings.

Mind mapping-based literature review on social class: step 1 findings
Step 1 of the MMBLR approach is a thematic analysis on the literature of the topic under investigation (Ho, 2016). In our case, this is the social class topic. To prepare for the exercise, the writer gathers some academic articles from some universities’ e-libraries as well as via the Google Scholar. With the academic articles collected, the writer conducted a literature review on them to assemble a set of ideas, viewpoints, concepts and findings (called points here). The points from the social class literature are then grouped into four themes here. The key words in the quotations are bolded in order to highlight the key concepts involved.
Theme 1: Descriptions of basic concepts and information
Point 1.1.              Social class is fundamentally a concept designed to elucidate large-scale social, political, and economic structures and processes” (Milroy and Milroy, 1992);
Point 1.2.              Social class, or socioeconomic status (SES), refers to an individual’s rank vis-a-vis others in society in terms of wealth, occupational prestige, and education” (Piff et al., 2012);
Point 1.3.              “The most widely validated measure of social class, the Nuffield class schema, developed in the 1970s, was codified in the UK’s National Statistics Socio-Economic Classification (NS-SEC) and places people in one of seven main classes according to their occupation and employment status” (Savage et al., 2013);
Point 1.4.              “The very meaning of social class is founded on the idea of inequality-of superior and inferior, higher or lower, better or worse. Since social class involves the vertical ordering of members of society along a prestige continuum, it is inherently comparative and invidious” (Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978);
Theme 2: Major underlying theories and thinking
Point 2.1.              “…. the upper class is understood as consisting of various owner capitalists, as well as the top strata of employed executives, managers and business professionals. This involves a partial concession to the ‘managerialist’ position, that the rise of impersonal ownership turned managers into the new upper class” (Flemmen, 2012);
Point 2.2.              “…social status derives, in its root, more from occupational differentiation than from income. This is an ancient observation, dating to pre-Christian societies. There has never been a perfect correlation between the social honor paid different occupations and the income derived from their pursuit” (Coleman, 1983);
Point 2.3.              Consumer behavior could hardly be understood without considering social class. Our position in the social hierarchy has a powerful influence on almost everything in our daily lives—where we live, what we wear, where we travel, dine and shop, what we drive, and what media we consume. Furthermore, whereas social class shapes consumers' judgments and choices, consumers' choices in turn reproduce and reinforce their class belonging” (Shavitt, Jiang and Cho, 2016);
Point 2.4.              “....social class identity influences an individual’s life circumstances and patterns of construal in ways that are similar to other social identity constructs (e.g., ethnicity, nation of origin)” (Piff, Kraus, Côté and Cheng, 2010);
Point 2.5.              “… for the adult, social class is achieved (at least in principle), whereas for the child it is unequivocally ascribed. From a sociological perspective, then, the fundamental meaning of social class differs for children and adults” (Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978);
Point 2.6.              “… individuals with varying social class develop different styles of cognition as a reaction to their sociocultural contexts. Most notably, lower-class individuals are shown to be better at social-cognitive tasks involving contextual information than higher-class individuals since individuals with low social class are encouraged to be sensitive to social contexts” (Na and Chan, 2016);
Point 2.7.              “A highly influential scheme [of registering social class differentiation] is that developed by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu …., which argues that there are three different kinds of capital, each of which conveys certain advantages. He differentiates between (1) economic capital (wealth and income), (2) cultural capital (the ability to appreciate and engage with cultural goods, and credentials institutionalised through educational suc­cess), and (3) social capital (contacts and connections which allow people to draw on their social networks). Bourdieu’s point is that although these three capitals may overlap, they are also subtly different, and that it is possible to draw fine-grained distinctions between people with different stocks of each of the three capitals, to provide a much more complex model of social class than is currently used” (Savage et al., 2013);
Point 2.8.              As previous research on developed societies has found, youth from affluent and well-educated families marry and have children later than those from lower social classes because of a longer education. They also have a much more extended search for a permanent partner in life and a lower incidence of unintended pregnancy” (Sironi, Barban and Impicciatore, 2015);
Point 2.9.              “Carey and Markus review research indicating that middle-class individuals share an emphasis on independence and working-class individuals share an emphasis on interdependence. However, they argue that frequent exposure to the mainstream U.S. cultural emphasis on independence shapes a hybrid mindset among working-class individuals. Carey and Markus propose that social class differences are cultivated at the level of individuals, interactions, institutions, and ideas in mutually reinforcing cycles” (Shavitt, Jiang and Cho, 2016);
Point 2.10.         “Dennis Wrong ... asserted, “The emerging social structure of post-bourgeois industrial society can best be understood if, except for secondary purposes and for historical analysis, we abandon the concept of social class and re-define much of the work done under this label as a contribution to the sociology of equality and inequality”...” (Langford, 2013);
Point 2.11.         “Mann … identifies four elements in the Marxist conception of class consciousness. The first is class identity, the self-definition as working class. Next is class opposition, a perception of the capitalist and their agents as opponents. Third is class totality, the belief that class is the defining characteristic of society. Finally, there should be a perception that things could be different, that is that an alternative type of society is possible. In the Marxist framework, an escalation is expected from class identity to the belief in an alternative society” (Surridge, 2007);
Point 2.12.         Social space amounts to a relational ‘social topology, […] an analysis of relative positions and of the objective relations between these positions’ ….The structures of social spaces are shaped by the distribution of, and relation between, various forms of capital; that is, scarce resources that may be ‘invested’ in particular fields to gain advantages. Capital may come in many variants, but the main forms are economic, cultural, social and symbolic …. When agents are situated near each other in social space, this means that they have similar capital profiles – their social positions are similar” (Flemmen, 2012);
Point 2.13.         “The job imperatives are such that the work of those in higher status positions is characterized by a high level of occupational self-direction - an opportunity to make one's own decisions, to exercise independent judgment, to be exempt from close supervision-in large part because of the substantive complexity of the work” (Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978);
Point 2.14.         “The social dimensions of residential choice make explicit its relationship to social position .... These include concerns over social reproduction as well as lifestyle, taste and aesthetics. In particular, it has been well-documented that schooling is often a key consideration within residential choice, with many middle-class families including considerations over proximity to high-performing schools within these even if this means significant trade-offs in relation to housing” (Benson, 2014);
Point 2.15.         Vehicles and other means of transport satisfy various needs and desires. These needs and desires can be practical as well as symbolic .... They provide distinction vis-à-vis other classes (this is especially the case with the visibility of cars), protection from observers (e.g. cars with opaque windows) and differentiation between elites themselves, as demonstrated by the world of yachts, helicopters and private jets” (Schimpfossl, 2014);
Point 2.16.         Changing tastes and social hierarchies are easily gleaned from how people dress .... According to Simmel ..., fashion is an excellent means of achieving, on the one hand, cohesion or group identity, and, on the other, differentiation and individuality. Through fashion people align with a certain group and differentiate themselves from others, and at the same time fashion is a widely understood way of expressing one’s status, wealth and power” (Schimpfossl, 2014);
Point 2.17.         “We are now entering a third phase in the analysis of class and stratification. The first phase, which lasted to the 1980s, saw the dominance of ‘moralising’ official measures of class, enshrined in Britain in the Registrar General’s Class schema, in which ‘standing within the community’ … was used to draw a six-fold class schema… The second phase, from the 1970s, saw the triumph of this sociological critique, especially in the elaboration of the influential model of social class developed by John Goldthorpe and his associates at Nuffield College, Oxford University….” (Savage et al., 2013);
Point 2.18.         “...the urban middle classes, often understood in terms of their capacity to gentrify, are part of wider processes and power dynamics within neighbourhoods and cities. Understanding the role of the middle classes within these, and the constraints of these upon their choices, illustrates such processes, which may equally be at work in the residential experiences of other social groups” (Benson, 2014);
Point 2.19.         “Contemporary views of socioeconomic status consider a broader range of variables …, defining social class by measures that include income …, as well as occupation … and educational attainment …. Taken together, these variables reflect a person's available resources such as wealth, social capital, and professional opportunities” (Shavitt, Jiang and Cho, 2016);
Point 2.20.         “In 1954 Leon Festinger set forth his theory of social comparison processes, holding that "there exists, in the human organism, a drive to evaluate his opinions and his abilities.... To the extent that objective, non-social means are not available, people evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparison respectively with the opinions and abilities of others" … One could add that it is not only opinions and abilities but also social identity elements-groups, statuses, and social categories-that are evaluated. The individual compares his own group or position with that of other people. Nowhere is this more apparent than with reference to social class” (Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978);
Point 2.21.         Relative rates of class mobility refer to the chances of individuals from two different classes of origin being found in one rather than the other of two different classes of destination” (Goldthorpe, and Jackson, 2007);
Point 2.22.         “Several studies have found a health gradient whereby incrementally better outcomes are seen for those higher up the socio-economic and occupational ladder ... This field of study has been extended to include well-being and mental health where the gradient has been replicated .... Further, several studies have suggested that these inequalities in mental health may be worsening over time” (Richards and Paskov, 2016);
Point 2.23.         “The occupation in which one is or has been employed is a reflection of one's place in the socio-economic system; it influences various dimensions of economic advantage and disadvantage: earnings, earnings stability, career prospects, risk of unemployment, and access to the labour market more generally. Thus class is largely concerned with the allocation of economic advantage and disadvantage as well as reflecting the nature of the employer-employee relationship” (Richards and Paskov, 2016);
Point 2.24.         We predict that, given their abundant resources and increased independence, upper-class individuals should demonstrate greater unethical behavior and that one important reason for this tendency is that upper-class individuals hold more favorable attitudes toward greed” (Piff et al., 2012);
Theme 3: Main research topics and issues
Point 3.1.              “In contrast to the social causation hypotheses the health selection hypothesis suggests reverse causality e that health determines social class .... From this perspective membership in a lower social class does not cause the worse mental health, but worse mental health makes people more likely to be in the lower-classified occupation” (Richards and Paskov, 2016);
Point 3.2.              “...we suggest that a social class model based on conflict, division and inequality best accounts for many of the patterns of language variation uncovered by the detailed work of sociolinguists, generally on phonological or morphological variables” (Milroy and Milroy, 1992);
Point 3.3.              “‘Upper class’, like class itself, is a contested concept. Opinions differ as to whom or what should be considered the upper class in contemporary societies” (Flemmen, 2012);
Point 3.4.              “….class continues to be an important part of social identity into the millennium despite a range of prevailing discourses which constitute it as irrelevant” (Reay, 1998);
Point 3.5.              “…recent evidence suggests that subjective socioeconomic status, typically assessed by asking respondents to indicate their perceived social class, can be at least as valuable an indicator as objective socioeconomic factors in examining the impact of class on psychological functioning and behaviour” (Shavitt, Jiang and Cho, 2016);
Point 3.6.              “After decades of research on both social class and self-esteem, it is somewhat surprising to find so little firm knowledge about their relationship. Perhaps this is because social class has commanded the attention of sociologists while self-esteem has primarily concerned psychologists; or it may be that investigators have considered it pointless to attempt to establish a conclusion too obvious to require confirmation” (Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978);
Point 3.7.              Existing literature strongly suggests that family and economic domains are strongly interdependent, and the way in which they interact is a key question in the study of transition to adulthood. Thus, a more consistent approach should take into account the entire development of the trajectory of economic independence and family formation” (Sironi, Barban and Impicciatore, 2015);
Point 3.8.              “It has become almost commonplace to talk of an ‘impasse’ in class analysis, …. Debates have continued between those who see class as largely outdated …, those who defend a ‘traditional’ form of class analysis …  and those who seek to ‘renew’ class analysis …  Class subjectivity is central to these debates, playing a large part in distinguishing between perspectives” (Surridge, 2007);
Point 3.9.              Limiting class debates to the purely economic sphere results both in the marginalization of women and a neglect of the myriad ways in which social class differences contribute to social inequalities” (Reay, 1998);
Point 3.10.         Lower social class (or socioeconomic status) is associated with fewer resources, greater exposure to threat, and a reduced sense of personal control. Given these life circumstances, one might expect lower class individuals to engage in less prosocial behavior, prioritizing self-interest over the welfare of others. The authors hypothesized, by contrast, that lower class individuals orient to the welfare of others as a means to adapt to their more hostile environments and that this orientation gives rise to greater prosocial behaviour” (Piff, Kraus, Côté and Cheng, 2010);
Point 3.11.         “Weber emphasized the divergent sources of social power among the propertied classes, ‘according to the kind of property that is usable for returns’. This led him to differentiate the propertied class into rentiers and entrepreneurs ….. Dahrendorf held that the emergence of ‘postcapitalist society’ pitted managers against owners, with a ‘decomposition of capital’ fragmenting the upper class …. Parkin argued that the bourgeoisie in capitalist society relied on two distinct exclusionary devices: education and the institutions of private property” (Flemmen, 2012);
Point 3.12.         “Within the study of class subjectivities, a significant shift has taken place from the discussion of class subjectivities as ‘consciousness’ to a discussion of ‘identity’ and even ‘ambivalence’. These terms each imply rather different models of class belonging, from one which articulates shared interests and, perhaps, struggles, through a sense of shared culture and position to a sense of class belonging as irrelevant to people’s self-understandings and world-views” (Surridge, 2007);
Point 3.13.         “Class analysis typically deals with the relations between social classes. Relations within classes are less frequently examined. Analyses that consider only inter-class relations may risk treating classes as monolithic categories, neglecting their internal heterogeneity” (Flemmen, 2012);
Point 3.14.         “In one study, individuals with low trait ratings of social power—a construct reflecting a person’s capacity to influence the outcomes of others—reported greater investment in a relationship with a stranger and reported higher levels of compassion in response to that stranger’s disclosure of suffering” (Piff, Kraus, Côté and Cheng, 2010);
Point 3.15.          Structural class analysis of the 1970s and early 1980s had tended to be economistic and deterministic, with its Marxian variant also characterized by a teleological theory of history” (Langford, 2013);
Point 3.16.         There are no two ways about it: social class is a difficult idea. Sociologists, in whose discipline the concept emerged, are not of one mind about its value and validity. Consumer researchers, to whose field its use has spread, display confusion about when and how to apply it. The American public is noticeably uncomfortable with the realities about life that it reflects. All who try to measure it have trouble. Studying it rigorously and imaginatively can be monstrously expensive” (Coleman, 1983);
Point 3.17.         Three major intellectual challenges have reoriented and fragmented the subdiscipline of class analysis since the 1960s. For brevity I refer to these challenges as (1) feminist/antiracist, (2) poststructuralist, and (3) individualization” (Langford, 2013);
Point 3.18.         “As Helen Roberts’s review of the debates surrounding social class over the last two decades makes clear, the focus is firmly rooted in a view of social class as one of location; an issue of where you are situated, rather than the processes that got you there” (Reay, 1998);
Point 3.19.         In the last 15 years much work in the field of class analysis has centred on the contrast between the service class, comprising professional, administrative and managerial employees, and the working class, composed of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers. This emphasis owes much to the employment relationship theory developed by Goldthorpe and his colleagues” (Li et al., 2002);
Theme 4: Major trends and issues related to practices
Point 4.1.              “...even though working class jobs were not apparently deskilled on average as new middle class jobs increased, Myles found “a polarized skill distribution of skilled and unskilled workers” ... that led him to recommend future research on the “good job” and “bad job” segments of the working class ..... This was a more nuanced appraisal of changes in the postindustrial class structure than generally found in an international literature which claimed that good jobs were unambiguously replacing bad jobs” (Langford, 2013);
Point 4.2.              As far as cultural resources are concerned, Kohn, Slomczynski, and Schoenbach ... noticed that middle-class parents tend to give more importance to autonomy when raising their children, whereas working class parents are more focused on conformity .... Also, upper-class parents tend to talk to their children more than working-class parents do, which favors analytical thinking; therefore, higher-status parents prepare their children for higher education and higher-status jobs” (Sironi, Barban and Impicciatore, 2015);
Point 4.3.              “That working-class Americans are "family folk," depending heavily on relatives for economic and emotional support, was a story first forwarded in detail in Working-man's Wife …. Further studies throughout the 1960s and 1970s found this class continuing to depend on relatives-relying on kin for tips on job opportunities, soliciting advice from them on purchases, and counting on them in times of "trouble" (Coleman, 1983);
Point 4.4.              “In a speech early in his second administration Tony Blair ...stressed the need to promote mobility as being in itself  ‘the great force for social equality in dynamic market economies’. Underlying this claim is the idea that high rates of mobility can serve to mitigate the socially divisive effects of the large inequalities in income and wealth that such economies generate by restricting their intergenerational continuity and, further, by providing them with some form of ‘meritocratic’ legitimation” (Goldthorpe, and Jackson, 2007);
Point 4.5.              Lillian Rubin’s ... study of poverty in the USA details how the child in the working-class family understands that their parents are stuck with a life over which they have relatively little control” (Skeggs and Loveday, 2012);
Point 4.6.              The break-up of the Soviet Union left a vacuum in terms of what constituted markers for social distinction. People were thrust into a context in which many of their assumptions about status, professionalism and respectability no longer held in their familiar ways” (Schimpfossl, 2014);
Point 4.7.              The builders I observed were proud working men, and any possible stigma of class was largely overlaid by their autonomy in the workplace and by an over-riding cultural value placed on a traditional class-based masculinity” (Thiel, 2007);
Point 4.8.              “Cannadine .... argues that British social classes have never been culturally homogenous or politically aligned in any clear-cut way, but that ‘class’ is a rhetorical device with which the British interpret hierarchy. What Cannadine underplays, however, is how class rhetoric has historically guided the social organization of hierarchy and, thereby structurally reinforced its conceptual existence” (Thiel, 2007);


Each of the four themes has a set of associated points (i.e., idea, viewpoints, concepts and findings). Together they provide an organized way to comprehend the knowledge structure of the social class topic. The bolded key words in the quotation reveal, based on the writer’s intellectual judgement, the key concepts examined in the social class literature. The referencing indicated on the points identified informs the readers where to find the academic articles to learn more about the details on these points. Readers are also referred to the Literature on social class Facebook page for additional information on this topic. The process of conducting the thematic analysis is an exploratory as well as synthetic learning endeavour on the topic’s literature. Once the structure of the themes, sub-themes[1] and their associated points are finalized, the reviewer is in a position to move forward to step 2 of the MMBLR approach. The MMBLR approach step 2 finding, i.e., a companion mind map on social class, is presented in the next section.

Mind mapping-based literature review on social class: step 2 (mind mapping) output
By adopting the findings from the MMBLR approach step 1 on social class, the writer constructs a companion mind map shown as Figure 1.





Referring to the mind map on social class, the topic label is shown right at the centre of the map as a large blob. Four main branches are attached to it, corresponding to the four themes identified in the thematic analysis. The links and ending nodes with key phrases represent the points from the thematic analysis. The key phrases have also been bolded in the quotations provided in the thematic analysis. As a whole, the mind map renders an image of the knowledge structure on social class based on the thematic analysis findings. Constructing the mind map is part of the learning process on literature review. The mind mapping process is speedy and entertaining. The resultant mind map also serves as a useful presentation and teaching material. This mind mapping exercise confirms the writer’s previous experience using on the MMBLR approach (Ho, 2016). Readers are also referred to the Literature on literature review Facebook page and the Literature on mind mapping Facebook page for additional information on these two topics.




Concluding remarks
The MMBLR approach to study social class provided here is mainly for its practice illustration as its procedures have been refined via a number of its employment on an array of topics (Ho, 2016). No major additional MMBLR steps nor notions have been introduced in this article. In this respect, the exercise reported here primarily offers some pedagogical value as well as some systematic and stimulated learning on social class in the field of Social Sciences. Nevertheless, the thematic findings and the image of the knowledge structure on social class in the form of a mind map should also be of academic value to those who research on social class.

Bibliography
1.      Benson, M. 2014. “Trajectories of middle-class belonging: The dynamics of place attachment and classed identities” Urban Studies 51(14), Sage: 3097-3112.
2.      Coleman, R.P. 1983. “The Continuing Significance of Social Class to Marketing” Journal of Consumer Research 10(3) December: 265-280.
3.      Flemmen, M. 2012. “The Structure of the Upper Class: A Social Space Approach” Sociology 46(6), Sage: 1039-1058.
4.      Goldthorpe, J.H. and M. Jackson. 2007. “Intergenerational class mobility in contemporary Britain: political concerns and empirical findings” The British Journal of Sociology 58(4): 525-546.
5.      Ho, J.K.K. 2016. Mind mapping for literature review – a ebook, Joseph KK Ho publication folder October 7 (url address: http://josephkkho.blogspot.hk/2016/10/mind-mapping-for-literature-review-ebook.html).
6.      Langford, T. 2013. “Five Decades of Class Analysis in the Canadian Review of Sociology” CRS/RCS 50(3), Canadian Sociological Association: 306-336.
7.      Li, Y., F. Bechhofer, R. Stewart, D. McCrone, M. Anderson and L. Jamieson. 2002. “A divided working class? Planning and career perception in the service and working classes” Work, employment and society 16(4): 617-636.
8.      Literature on literature review Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/literature.literaturereview/).
9.      Literature on mind mapping Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/literature.mind.mapping/).
10. Literature on social class Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/Literature-on-social-class-1058436350846574/).
11. Milroy, L. and J. Milroy. 1992. “Social network and social class: Toward an integrated sociolinguistic model” Language in Society 21, Cambridge University Press: 1-26.
12. Na, J. and M.Y. Chan. 2016. “Subjective perception of lower social-class enhances response inhibition” Personality and Individual Differences 90, Elsevier: 242-246.
13. Piff, P.K., D.M. Stancato, S. Côté, R. Mendoza-Denton and D. Keltner. 2012. “Higher social class predicts increased unethical behavior” PNAS 109(11) March 13: 4086-4091.
14. Piff, P.K., M.W. Kraus, S. Côté and B.H. Cheng. 2010. “Having Less, Giving More: The Influence of Social Class on Prosocial Behavior” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 99(5), American Psychological Association: 771-784.
15. Reay, D. 1998. “Rethinking social class: qualitative perspectives on class and gender” Sociology 32(2): 259-275.
16. Richards, L. and M. Paskov. 2016. “Social class, employment status and inequality in psychological well-being in the UK: Cross-sectional and fixed effects analyses over two decades” Social Science & Medicine 167, Elsevier: 45-53.
17. Rosenberg, M. and L.I. Pearlin. 1978. “Social Class and Self-Esteem Among Children and Adults” American Journal of Sociology 84(1) July: 53-77.
18. Savage, M., F. Devine, N. Cunningham, M. Taylor, Y. Li, J. Hjellbrekke, B.L Roux, S. Friedman and A. Miles. 2013. “A New Model of Social Class? Findings from the BBC’s Great British Class Survey Experiment” Sociology 47(2), Sage: 219-250.
19. Schimpfossl,  E. 2014. “Russia’s social upper class: from ostentation to culturedness” The British Journal of Sociology 65(1): 63-81.
20. Shavitt, S., D. Jiang and H. Cho. 2016. “Stratification and segmentation: Social class in consumer behaviour” Journal of Consumer Psychology 26(4), Elsevier: 583-593.
21. Sironi, M., N. Barban and R. Impicciatore. 2015. “Parental social class and the transition to adulthood in Italy and the United States” Advances in Life Course Research 26, Elsevier: 89-104,
22. Skeggs, B. and V. Loveday. 2012. “Struggles for value: value practices, injustice judgment, affect and the idea of class” The British Journal of Sociology 63(3): 472-490.
23. Surridge, P. 2007. “Class belonging: a quantitative exploration of identity and consciousness” The British Journal of Sociology 58(2): 207-226.
24. Thiel, D. 2007. “Class in construction: London building workers, dirty work and physical cultures” The British Journal of Sociology 58(2): 227-251.




[1] There is no sub-theme generated in this analysis on social class.

1 comment:

  1. pdf version at: https://www.academia.edu/32038316/Mind_mapping_the_topic_of_social_class

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