Sunday, 5 March 2017

Mind mapping the topic of public housing

Mind mapping the topic of public housing



Joseph Kim-keung Ho
Independent Trainer
Hong Kong, China


Abstract: The topic of public housing is a main one in Housing Studies. This article makes use of the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach to render an image on the knowledge structure of public housing. The finding of the review exercise is that its knowledge structure comprises four main themes, i.e., (a) Descriptions of basic concepts and information (b) Major underlying theories and thinking, (c) Main research topics and issues, and (d) Major trends and issues related to practices. There is also a set of key concepts identified from the public housing literature review. The article offers some academic and pedagogical values on the topics of public housing, literature review and the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach.
Key words: Public housing, literature review, mind map, the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach



Introduction
Public housing is a main topic in Housing Studies. It is of academic and pedagogical interest to the writer who has been a lecturer on Housing Studies for a tertiary education centre in Hong Kong. In this article, the writer presents his literature review findings on public housing using the mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach. This approach was proposed by this writer in 2016 and has been employed to review the literature on a number of topics, such as supply chain management, strategic management accounting and customer relationship management (Ho, 2016). The MMBLR approach itself is not particularly novel as mind mapping has been employed in literature review since its inception. The overall aims of this exercise are to:
1.      Render an image of the knowledge structure of public housing via the application of the MMBLR approach;
2.      Illustrate how the MMBLR approach can be applied in literature review on an academic topic, such as public housing.
The findings from this literature review exercise offer academic and pedagogical values to those who are interested in the topics of public housing, literature review and the MMBLR approach. Other than that, this exercise facilitates this writer’s intellectual learning on these three topics. The next section makes a brief introduction on the MMBLR approach. After that, an account of how it is applied to study public housing is presented.

On the mind mapping-based literature review approach
The mind mapping-based literature review (MMBLR) approach was developed by this writer in 2016 (Ho, 2016). It makes use of mind mapping as a complementary literature review exercise (see the Literature on mind mapping Facebook page and the Literature on literature review Facebook page). The approach is made up of two steps. Step 1 is a thematic analysis on the literature of the topic chosen for study. Step 2 makes use of the findings from step 1 to produce a complementary mind map. The MMBLR approach is a relatively straightforward and brief exercise. The approach is not particularly original since the idea of using mind maps in literature review has been well recognized in the mind mapping literature. It is also an interpretive exercise in the sense that different reviewers with different research interest and intellectual background inevitably will select different ideas, facts and findings in their thematic analysis (i.e., step 1 of the MMBLR approach). Also, to conduct the approach, the reviewer needs to perform a literature search beforehand. Apparently, what a reviewer gathers from a literature search depends on what library facility, including e-library, is available to the reviewer. The next section presents the findings from the MMBLR approach step 1; afterward, a companion mind map is provided based on the MMBLR approach step 1 findings.

Mind mapping-based literature review on public housing: step 1 findings
Step 1 of the MMBLR approach is a thematic analysis on the literature of the topic under investigation (Ho, 2016). In our case, this is the public housing topic. The writer gathers some academic articles from some universities’ e-libraries as well as via the Google Scholar. With the academic articles collected, the writer conducted a literature review on them to assemble a set of ideas, viewpoints, concepts and findings (called points here). The points from the public housing literature are then grouped into four themes here. The key words in the quotations are bolded in order to highlight the key concepts involved.

  
Theme 1: Descriptions of basic concepts and information
Point 1.1.              “....public housing is used to denote stock managed by elected state and territory governments in Australia and elected local authority councils in the UK. Housing Association property refers to stock managed by not-for-profit housing providers in the UK. In recent years, housing associations are referred to as Registered Social Landlords (RSLs). In Australia, the equivalent to Housing Associations is Community Housing Organisations. The term Social Housing in both the UK and Australia is a generic term that includes both public and RSL (UK) and community housing organisation stock (Australia). In recent years, the term Social Housing has been used to denote any housing that has been subsidised to enable low-income tenants to rent at below-market rents” (Jacobs, Atkinson, Spinney, Colic-Peisker, Berry and Dalton, 2010);
Point 1.2.              Social residualisation refers to the growing proportion of low-income and high needs households in public housing. As public housing has declined in numbers so a shifting remit to tackle housing need has led to the greater targeting of households. Inevitably, without growing investment in the sector, the concentration of poorer and higher service cost households has been significant” (Atkinson and Jacobs, 2008);
Theme 2: Major underlying theories and thinking
Point 2.1.              Socialist countries have provided decent housing for their citizens; unlike industrialized capitalist and most Third World countries, they have basically avoided the problems of homelessness and urban slums. The socialist model of housing provision is based, in principle, on an egalitarian political and economic ideology” (Chen and Gao, 1993);
Point 2.2.              “....residential mobility—‘the exit option’—is the most ‘clear-cut’ response to a negative neighbourhood reputation because of the negative effects on a person’s status, self-image and well-being” (Kearns, Kearns and Lawson, 2013);
Point 2.3.              “...although the bulk of public housing units are rented to females, they are frequently home to long- or short-term ‘male guests’ ... These men too often victimize women physically and sexually, which these women must bear on top of a variety of harassments on the streets, bars and in other public places” (Dekeseredy, Schwartz, Alvi and Tomaszewski, 2003);
Point 2.4.              “...economic rationalists emphasise the need to reduce welfare expenditure and reliance on benefits by those who live in relative poverty. Economic rationalists argue that the priorities of government should be to establish the conditions for individuals to accrue wealth and provide opportunities for private sector interests to secure a foothold in the activities of government service provision including health, education and housing” (Jacobs, Atkinson, Spinney, Colic-Peisker, Berry and Dalton, 2010);
Point 2.5.              “All places have identities, but some places also have reputations. In an ongoing study of deprived communities in Glasgow, two key findings were striking ... First, that both in inner-city mass housing estates and in peripheral estates in the city, there is a high recognition of the existence of negative area reputations: between 60 and 70 per cent of residents in these areas identified that their neighbourhoods had a poor external reputation, i.e. they agreed with the statement: ‘Many people in Glasgow think this neighbourhood has a bad reputation’..” (Kearns, Kearns and Lawson, 2013);
Point 2.6.              Eligibility criteria and rent schedules are another often cited reason for the low level of employment among public housing residents. .... These income limits are frequently interpreted as a disincentive to work since participation in the labor market may result in the loss of the public housing rent subsidy” (Reingold, 1997);
Point 2.7.              Employment opportunities for many public housing residents are limited because they have poor work habits and/or lack marketable skills. These types of deficiencies, however, are different from limited economic opportunities that result from, for example, living in the public housing unit that is situated in an urban area with declining local labor market opportunities” (Reingold, 1997);
Point 2.8.              “Following Lefebvre ... the public housing project can be seen as the concurrent outcome of three processes: the formal representation of space by the State, the official practice that takes place in the space, and the perceptions of the space by citizens, including their daily activities. The dialectical relationship among these forces produces a concrete space” (Kallus and Yone, 2002);
Point 2.9.              “In any discussion of public housing policy, it is helpful to situate the activities and deliberations of governments within the wider economic, social and ideological context. Government policies towards public housing are linked to the imperative of delivering economic growth ...; the pressures arising from social and demographic change; and adherence to particular ideologies” (Jacobs, Atkinson, Spinney, Colic-Peisker, Berry and Dalton, 2010);
Point 2.10.         “Public housing has also been thought of as a solution for inner-city poverty and isolation, and as a basic human necessity for less well-off people ... The view of many planners, architects and social workers was that good housing was humane and necessary to the well-being of all people and would greatly improve life chances for slum dwellers. They saw public housing as way of fulfilling part of the state’s responsibility to ensure that decent, affordable housing was available for all residents of the U.S.” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 2.11.         “The construction of public housing by the political establishment, characterized by the homogeneous spread of uniform houses based on functional building formulas, enables control over all levels of life, including the smallest social unit—the family. The design of private space—the ‘residential machine’ ....—enables penetration into the personal space that belongs to the family, and enables control of its most intimate aspects. The declared intention of this intervention was to use the housing unit, as “an educational tool for proper family life”..” (Kallus and Yone, 2002);
Point 2.12.         “The narrative of public housing dysfunction describes a steep decline in living conditions to the point where much public housing became uninhabitable by the 1990s. One commonly cited culprit in the decline of public housing has been the physical design of the projects. Design principles emphasizing common outdoor space dominated early public housing projects. In some respects a reaction to the dark, crowded slums and the tenements that they replaced, early public housing projects incorporated courtyards and buildings that were set apart from and at angles to the street grid..... Over time, however, the open space deteriorated as landscaping and maintenance were neglected. As conditions deteriorated the open space was marked by crime and incivility” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 2.13.         “The process of increasing concentration of ethnic groups in the public housing stock is fairly recent and does not seem to have come to a halt yet” (Musterd and Deurloo, 1997);
Theme 3: Main research topics and issues
Point 3.1.              “Although public housing is typically associated with high crime rates, little research has been done on fear of crime or violent victimization experiences among public housing residents. Moreover, there are few studies that look specifically at women’s fear of crime or violent victimization experiences in public housing, despite the fact that women constitute the majority of public housing residents” (Renzetti and Maier, 2002);
Point 3.2.              “APPROXIMATELY 600,000 older Americans live in congregate public housing sites that provide homes for low income elders. Previous studies suggest that residents of these sites report higher rates of depressive symptoms than elders living in independent homes and apartments ... and that this morbidity has significant adverse effects on their quality of life” (Rabins, Black, German, Roca, McGuire, Brant and Cook, 1996);
Point 3.3.              “Both Bourgois .... and Websdale ... heard women express fear of the physical spaces outside and around their public housing developments. While both note that some women have toughened themselves and become street smart, Websdale, in particular, notes that this fear of potential victimization on the streets could make it difficult for women to get help if they are abused at home” (Renzetti and Maier, 2002);
Point 3.4.              High-rise housing (primarily public housing) is often infused with alternative images in many Western cities .... As Helleman and Wassenberg put it High-rise estates are associated with problematic living conditions, deprived areas, isolated locations, a poor population, a negative image, social isolation, pollution and crime . . .... This is not, however, the end of high-rise housing. In Asia, Singapore and Hong Kong have similarly experimented and scored high residential satisfaction” (Yuen, Yeh, Appold, Earl, Ting and Kwee, 2006);
Point 3.5.              “Peach and Bryon... argued that the concentration of black single-parent households in the least desirable parts of the public sector results from a combination of class, gender, family structure and the race factors” (Musterd and Deurloo, 1997);
Point 3.6.              “Public housing is generally viewed as a failed endeavour that has accentuated poverty and social disadvantage to the extent that it is now in danger of falling by the wayside of mainstream policy debates and action. Its remit has become so closely associated with providing for those on the lowest incomes and highest needs that the sector and particular neighbourhoods have generated problematic reputations. This has meant that not only has public housing become a form of housing of last resort, but that negative public perceptions have themselves also created a socially excluding force, whereby tenants are seen as being in some way different or deficient” (Atkinson and Jacobs, 2008);
Point 3.7.              “The discussion of the social aspects of public housing also includes efforts to examine the effects of access to housing resources on ethnic inequality .... and on the position of various population groups in the class structure ....—a position that derives from the analysis of social, economic, and employment opportunities, and access to various services, as well as the exchange value in the market of housing resources” (Kallus and Yone, 2002);
Point 3.8.              “This social mechanism whereby residents may, or may not, be able to contribute to the creation of their area’s reputation is not the only means of reputation formation. The Swedish study also recognised that ‘the local newspaper played a key role in the reputation process. Local news and events were often reported in a stereotype fashion, leading to creation of typecast perceptions’..” (Kearns, Kearns and Lawson, 2013);
Point 3.9.              “Ball adopts what can be termed a ‘structuralist’ approach, noting that the production and allocation of housing operate in accordance with the profit motive. The processes of consumption, according to Ball, are of secondary importance. One of the merits of this perspective is that it makes explicit the connections between housing policy and the broad workings of the economy but, on the other hand, its portrayal of the state as a monolithic entity seeking to advance the interests of capital is problematic” (Jacobs, Atkinson, Spinney, Colic-Peisker, Berry and Dalton, 2010);
Theme 4: Major trends and issues related to practices
Point 4.1.              “...the success of public housing in Singapore was important in establishing the government's political legitimacy and dominance. This was possible in the early years of Singapore's independence because public housing provision was held as testimony to the newly elected government's commitment to bettering the material conditions of Singaporeans ... In later years, the tangible blocks of flats became powerful symbols of success, monuments that attest to the HDB's [the Housing and Development Board] achievements, a claim that is effectively made by the government” (Teo and Kong, 1997);
Point 4.2.              “Another major development of the 1990s that pays attention to improving Singaporeans' quality of life through their housing environment is the introduction in 1995 of executive condominiums, meant to house a "sandwich class" between HDB [the Housing and Development Board] and private housing ..... The schemes will approximate private condominiums in that there will be facilities such as a swimming pool or tennis court. The first 540 units will be in Jurong East and Pasir Ris. First-time buyers will be given a S$40,000 grant but must find their own financing, whereas applicants for HDB flats will have HDB financing” (Teo and Kong, 1997);
Point 4.3.              “As more public housing was built it was typically placed in racially mixed or predominantly black neighbourhoods ..., and was therefore more attractive to African-American families than to whites .... In older projects, as whites moved out of public housing, blacks moved in. As the profile of residents changed the political support for the program, always tenuous and fragile, waned even further. The program became politically marginalized and chronically underfunded” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 4.4.              “At the outset of the program in the 1930s and 1940s, public housing residents were low-income families, but typically the heads of households were employed. Initially, families on welfare were generally excluded from public housing in favour of working-class families ... By the 1960s, larger numbers of welfare families were entering public housing as pressures increased to reserve public housing for the neediest .... Over time Congress mandated resident preference rules that gave priority consideration to needy families” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 4.5.              “By the early 1940’s, many planners felt that high-rises could provide a healthy, unique living environment that would contrast favorably with surrounding slum areas. However, guides to good design for two and three story buildings were still being promulgated ... While high-rise buildings were desirable for their space efficiency, they were not necessarily the cheapest forms of housing development” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 4.6.              “By the late 1970s, providing a housing environment of quality also meant encouraging an environment of neighbourliness and friendliness through the setting up of Residents' Committees, and the continued support given to community centre activities. Both were geared towards organising activities for residents, including social and recreational programmes (such as excursions and get-together parties) and educational ones (such as forums and exhibitions)..” (Teo and Kong, 1997);
Point 4.7.              “During the first decade of the formation of the State of Israel, the enterprise of public housing reached a peak in the creation of homes for hundreds of thousands of immigrants who had arrived and had as yet no roof over their heads. This vast undertaking was one of the tests of the State as a sovereign entity, whether it could take responsibility for its citizens and provide for their basic needs and welfare” (Kallus and Yone, 2002);
Point 4.8.              “For the past three decades, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and local public housing authorities (PHAs) across the country have pursued an aggressive strategy of downsizing the nation’s public housing stock. This has been accomplished to date through a mix of demolition, redevelopment, and sale of public housing units in cities across the country. This trend is similar to that seen in a number of advanced industrialized nations, including Canada, Australia, and several European countries .... Furthermore, the dismantling of public housing is not limited to the removal of high-rise towers, but affects low-rise, row-house, and even single-family, scattered site units as well” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 4.9.              Immigrants to Israel were transported into the country by national institutions and dispersed throughout the country and settled in accordance with the political considerations of the government. .... Housing for these groups was directed mainly to peripheral areas that were at the margins in all respects—physically, socially, and culturally, but considered important in terms of territorial control. Consequently entire residential areas were established in a way that made it almost impossible for them to become, to some extent even to this day, ‘real places’ and viable living areas” (Kallus and Yone, 2002);
Point 4.10.         “In the 1940’s and 1950’s, income limits had the effect of penalizing residents for upward mobility. Families could be evicted if their income surpassed an upper limit” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 4.11.         “In the late 1960’s, further incentives were introduced to encourage the involvement of private developers and real estate interests in the development of low-cost housing in the form of public financing of private subsidized housing developments .... These programs “…gave private developers tax breaks, low-cost mortgages, and rent subsidies to house the poor,”...” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 4.12.         “In the past, most of the public housing estates in Singapore had a uniform, monotonous appearance. This is rapidly changing. The Housing and Development Board (HDB) is using highly visible designs to add variety to the skyline of the estates and to the facades of blocks. Motifs, domers and colours help to make each estate unique, so that residents have a sense of identity” (Teo and Huang, 1996);
Point 4.13.         “Public housing was not originally built to house the ‘poorest of the poor,’ but was intended for select segments of the working class ... Specifically, it was designed to serve the needs of the ‘submerged middle class,’ who were temporarily outside of the labor market during the Depression” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 4.14.         “Some of the earliest advocates of public housing supported tenant screening because they knew that to have a successful housing development most residents must be employed .... Qualitative tenant screening was the norm when public housing was first built in the late 1930's .... These practices were challenged in the 1960’s” (Stoloff, 2004);
Point 4.15.         “Stories of children dying in accidents or as collateral damage in the gang wars that dominated public housing communities became part of the general perception of public housing in the 1990s. Not only were these living environments detrimental to those trapped within them, but as microenvironments of poverty and crime, they were increasingly seen as having negative effects on the surrounding communities” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 4.16.         “The government [of Hong Kong] began large numbers of squatters into multi-storied public housing blocks in the early 1950s. Since income redistribution was not on the agenda, there was little attempt to institute a means test to identify the most needy. At that time, however, most of the squatters were among the most deprived in society” (Wong and Liu, 1988);
Point 4.17.         “The sale of public housing to residents has been a minor part of local housing authority programs for decades. For the most part, PHAs [public housing authorities] have not been anxious to participate in such programs because the units typically chosen for purchase and the families wishing to participate in the program are both the cream of the crop for local authorities. Significant sales of public housing would mean the loss of the PHAs’ best housing stock and the loss of their best, most stable families” (Goetz, 2011);
Point 4.18.         “Throughout the 1980s, to improve quality of life in public housing estates, the HDB [the Housing and Development Board of Singapore] sought to promote new town character and community identity through the use of new building designs, in which different building heights were combined to break the monotony of the skyline. Greater use was also made of traditional forms such as pitched roofs..., overhanging eaves and tall windows typical of a tropical building” (Teo and Kong, 1997);
Point 4.19.         “Public housing has been the rising issue in Singapore in order to provide sufficient homes for all. The demand for public housing flats is also increasing. To better meet the demand, the Singapore government decided to reduce the waiting time of future owners for HDB [the Housing and Development Board] flats, which needs their completion on time and thus poses more schedule pressures to parties involved in the construction of HDB projects” (Hwang and Ng, 2013);
Point 4.20.         “Public housing in Singapore is not generally viewed as a sign of poverty or lower living standards as compared to that in other countries. The housing sector in Singapore is dominated by HDB [the Housing and Development Board] projects. Over 80% of Singaporeans live in HDB flats, and about 90% of them own their HDB flats .... HDB flats are located in housing estates, which are self-contained satellite towns with schools, supermarkets, clinics, hawker centers, as well as sports and recreational facilities” (Hwang and Ng, 2013);
Point 4.21.         “The Housing Department [of Hong Kong] launched the Marking Scheme for Tenancy Enforcement in Public Housing Estates immediately after the SARS epidemic. The scheme operates as a penalty-point system where sitting tenants will be expelled from public housing if they receive sixteen points for the misdeeds they have committed. Yet, the marking scheme itself was put onto the stage without any prior public consultation. Besides, it has been criticised for its unfair and tenure-biased enforcement” (Yau, 2012);


Each of the four themes has a set of associated points (i.e., idea, viewpoints, concepts and findings). Together they provide an organized way to comprehend the knowledge structure of the public housing topic. The bolded key words in the quotation reveal, based on the writer’s intellectual judgement, the key concepts examined in the public housing literature. The referencing indicated on the points identified informs the readers where to find the academic articles to learn more about the details on these points. Readers are also referred to the Literature on public housing Facebook page for additional information on this topic. The process of conducting the thematic analysis is an exploratory as well as synthetic learning endeavour on the topic’s literature. Once the structure of the themes, sub-themes[1] and their associated points are finalized, the reviewer is in a position to move forward to step 2 of the MMBLR approach. The MMBLR approach step 2 finding, i.e., a companion mind map on public housing, is presented in the next section.

Mind mapping-based literature review on public housing: step 2 (mind mapping) output
By adopting the findings from the MMBLR approach step 1 on public housing, the writer constructs a companion mind map shown as Figure 1.





Referring to the mind map on public housing, the topic label is shown right at the centre of the map as a large blob. Four main branches are attached to it, corresponding to the four themes identified in the thematic analysis. The links and ending nodes with key phrases represent the points from the thematic analysis. The key phrases have also been bolded in the quotations provided in the thematic analysis. As a whole, the mind map renders an image of the knowledge structure on public housing based on the thematic analysis findings. Constructing the mind map is part of the learning process on literature review. The mind mapping process is speedy and entertaining. The resultant mind map also serves as a useful presentation and teaching material. This mind mapping exercise confirms the writer’s previous experience using on the MMBLR approach (Ho, 2016). Readers are also referred to the Literature on literature review Facebook page and the Literature on mind mapping Facebook page for additional information on these two topics.

Concluding remarks
The MMBLR approach to study public housing provided here is mainly for its practice illustration as its procedures have been refined via a number of its employment on an array of topics (Ho, 2016). No major additional MMBLR steps nor notions have been introduced in this article. In this respect, the exercise reported here primarily offers some pedagogical value as well as some systematic and stimulated learning on public housing in the field of Housing Studies. Nevertheless, the thematic findings and the image of the knowledge structure on public housing in the form of a mind map should also be of academic value to those who research on this topic.


Bibliography
1.      Chen, X.M. and X.Y. Gao. 1993. “Urban economic reform and public-housing investment in China” Urban Affairs Quarterly 29(1) September, Sage: 117-145.
2.      Dekeseredy, W.S., M.D. Schwartz, S. Alvi and E.A. Tomaszewski. 2003. “Perceived collective efficacy and women’s victimization in public housing” Criminal Justice 3(1): 5-27,
3.      Goetz, E.G. 2011. “Where have all the towers gone? The dismantling of public housing in U.S. cities” Journal of Urban Affairs 33(3): 267-287.
4.      Ho, J.K.K. 2016. Mind mapping for literature review – a ebook, Joseph KK Ho publication folder October 7 (url address: http://josephkkho.blogspot.hk/2016/10/mind-mapping-for-literature-review-ebook.html).
5.      Hwang, B.G. and S.Y. Ng. 2013. “Identifying the critical factors affecting schedule performance of public housing projects” Habitat International 38, Elsevier: 214-221.
6.      Jacobs, K., R. Atkinson, A. Spinney, V. Colic-Peisker, M. Berry and T. Dalton. 2010. “What future for public housing? A critical analysis” Research paper February, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.
7.      Kallus, R. and H.L. Yone. 2002. “National Home/Personal Home: Public Housing and the Shaping of National Space in Israel” European Planning Studies 10(6), Taylor & Francis: 765-779.
8.      Kearns, A., O. Kearns and L. Lawson. 2013. “Notorious Places: Image, Reputation, Stigma. The Role of Newspapers in Area Reputations for Social Housing Estates” Housing Studies 28(4), Routledge: 579-598.
9.      Literature on literature review Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/literature.literaturereview/).
10. Literature on mind mapping Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/literature.mind.mapping/).
11. Literature on public housing Facebook page, maintained by Joseph, K.K. Ho (url address: https://www.facebook.com/Literature-on-public-housing-280576845709059/).
12. Musterd, S. and R. Deurloo. 1997. “Ethnic segregation and the role of public housing in Amsterdam” Tijdschriftvoor  Economische ed Sociale Geografie 88(2): 158-168.
13. Rabins, P.V., B. Black, P. German, R. Roca, M. McGuire, L. Brant and J. Cook. 1996. “The Prevalence of Psychiatric Disorders in Elderly Residents of Public Housing” Journal of Gerontology: Medical Sciences 51A(6): M319-324.
14. Reingold, D.A. 1997. “Does inner city public housing exacerbate the employment problems of its tenants” Journal of Urban Affairs 19(4), JAI Press: 469-486.
15. Renzetti, C. and S.L. Maier. 2002. ““Private” Crime in Public Housing: Violent Victimization, Fear of Crime and Social Isolation Among Women Public Housing Residents” CRVAW Faculty Journal Articles. Paper 29. (url address: http://uknowledge.uky.edu/crvaw_facpub/29).
16. Stoloff, J. 2004. "A Brief History of Public Housing" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Hilton San Francisco & Renaissance Parc 55 Hotel, San Francisco, CA,, Aug 14, 2004 . 2009-05-26
17. Teo, P. and S. Huang. 1996. “A Sense of Place in Public Housing: a Case Study of Pasir Ris, Singapore” Habitat Intl. 20(2), Pergamon: 307-325.
18. Teo, S.E. and L. Kong. 1997. “Public Housing in Singapore: interpreting “quality in the 1990s” Urban Studies 34(3), Sage: 441-452.
19. Wong, Y.C. and P.W. Liu. 1988. “The Distribution of Benefits among Public Housing Tenants in Hong Kong and Related Policy issues” Journal of Urban Economics 23: 1-20.
20. Yau, Y. 2012. “Ruling out trouble: Unacceptable behavior and its control in Hong Kong’s public housing” Habitat International 36, Elsevier: 11-19.
21. Yuen, B., A. Yeh, S.J. Appold, G. Earl, J. Ting and L.K. Kwee. 2006. “High-rise Living in Singapore Public Housing” Urban Studies 43(3) March, Routledge: 583-600.



[1] There is no sub-theme generated in this analysis on public housing.

1 comment:

  1. Pdf version at: https://www.academia.edu/31718682/Mind_mapping_the_topic_of_public_housing

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