Study notes on academic ideas about gentrification

Study notes on academic ideas about gentrification

Academic ideas are bolded

Richard Cimino. “Neighborhoods, Niches, and Networks: The Religious

Ecology of Gentrification” City & Community 10:2 June 2011.

“The few studies of gentrification that deal even marginally with religious institutions have tended to see this process of neighborhood change as contributing toward secularization. A 1993 study of major Canadian cities found that gentrified districts had the strongest correlation with religious disaffiliation. Authors David Ley and R. Bruce Martin (1993) not only argue that members of the creative class moving into gentrified zones are secular to begin with, but that the establishments (such as restaurants and entertainment venues) they bring into neighborhoods force congregations out of these areas. In his research on the creative class, Florida argues that residents of cities (often in the most gentrified neighborhoods) and states catering to this class tend to tend to embrace secular values or “opt to forego church for less traditional methods of spiritual or religious practice”

(Florida, 2008, p. 171, 2010)”;

“The literature examining the cultural aspects of gentrification may not deal explicitly with religion, but such work provides the researcher with clues about how its impact on community life and personal identity may relate to religious institutions. Lloyd’s ethnography of Wicker Park (2006), a gentrified section of Chicago with many similarities to Williamsburg, looks at how such areas form central nodes in the postindustrial urban and economic landscape of global cities, even as they are portrayed as bohemian and outside of the mainstream. Lloyd notes that Wicker Park forms a “neo-Bohemia,” serving as an enclave for artists and the “creative class,” while catering to the entertainment needs of cosmopolitan middle-class consumers. New research suggests that a side effect of the proliferation of consumption-related cultural activities is that individuals “incrementally withdraw from the usage of religiously charged intermediaries in order to connect socially” (Hirschle, 2010, p. 12)”;

Nilgun Ergun. “Gentrification in Istanbul” Cities, Vol. 21, No. 5, p. 391–405, 2004.

“Some researchers viewed the characteristics of the gentrifiers to be of greater importance in the understanding of gentrification. Hamnett (1984) states that ‘‘gentrification is a physical, economic, social and cultural phenomenon, commonly involves the invasion by middle-class or higher income groups of previously working-class neighbourhoods or multi-occupied ‘‘twilight areas’’ and the replacement or displacement of many of the original occupants.’’ Ley (1986, 1992, 1996), Filion (1991), Van Kempen and Van Weesep (1994), Bondi (1999) have suggested modifications in the socio-cultural structure and residential policies as other significant factors that might lead to a process of gentrification. The modifications in the socio-cultural structure mean displacement of the original occupants of a rehabilitated settlement. Members of the middle-class, working in the city center, want to live in the inner city in order to be

closer to their offices and socio-cultural activities and also want to be closer to those similar to themselves”;

ROBERTO A. FIGUEROA,* Regina, Canada. “A Housing-based Delineation of Gentrificatioti: a Small Area Analysis of Regina, Canada” Geoforum, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 225-236,1995.

“Gentrification has meant both a social and physical upgrading of neighbourhoods. Low status neighbourhoods have become inhabited by middle to high status groups, thereby changing the social environment . Gentrifiers have renovated and rehabilitated old and deteriorated housing. Such financial reinvestment has led to substantial increases in house prices

and rentals. At the same time, the increasing erosion of affordable rental and owned housing has displaced many renters and owners”;

Fran Tonkiss (2018) Other gentrifications, City, 22:3, 321-323, DOI: 10.1080/13604813.2018.1484638.

 “Work on dynamics of gentrification in cities of the global south has underlined both the primacy of state-led gentrification and the role of corporate investment in re-shaping these urban contexts (see Lees, Shin, and Lo´pez-Morales 2015, 2016). Beirut offers a telling site in which to think about these intersections of state and corporate power, in a city which resists easy typification in developmental terms”;